Yanwen’s blog

Today, we reflect on a pivotal moment in the Chinese revolution. On September 9, 1927, Mao Zedong led the Autumn Harvest Uprising in Hunan. Although this uprising failed, Mao and his troops traversed rugged mountain paths to Jinggangshan, where he began to establish a revolutionary base.

The Red Army was weak, further hampered by frequent military encirclements and strict economic blockades imposed by enemy forces. Following the failures of uprisings in Nanchang, Guangzhou, and the Autumn Harvest, many became pessimistic about the future of the Red Army, questioning whether the Jinggangshan revolutionary base could endure and how long the red flag could continue to fly.

To address these concerns and clarify the theoretical path for China's revolutionary development, Mao analyzed the situation, studied the theory of red power, and authored two key works: "Why Can China's Red Power Exist?" and "The Struggle at Jinggangshan."

In October 1928, Mao noted, "Within a country, surrounded by white power, there exist small areas of red power for an extended period; this is something that has never happened in any country in the world. The occurrence of this extraordinary event has its unique reasons."

At Jinggangshan, in January 1930, Mao expressed his belief that the climax of the Chinese revolution was nearing. He famously stated, "星星之火，可以燎原" (Xīngxīng zhī huǒ, kěyǐ liáoyuán), meaning "A single spark can start a prairie fire." He likened the situation to "a ship that can already see the tips of the masts standing on the shore and gazing into the sea; a sun rising on the summit of a high mountain, radiating light and brilliance to the East; or a baby stirring in its mother's womb, about to mature and be born."

These events reveal several qualities about Mao Zedong. First and foremost, Mao was a visionary who could foresee a bright future during one of the darkest periods in history. This ability stemmed from his thorough study and understanding of China's unique circumstances.

Second, Mao was optimistic and resilient. His unwavering belief in the revolution's success was rooted in his grasp of the revolutionary movement and historical trends in China. He maintained optimism despite widespread doubt and hardship, viewing setbacks not as definitive failures but as part of a broader historical process.

Third, it is remarkable that Mao recognized the survival of small, isolated areas of red power, surrounded by vast hostile forces, as unprecedented while believing in their inevitable survival and triumph. This demonstrates his ability to identify and seize opportunities for victory amidst adversity, recognizing that even in the most hostile environments, revolutionary power can survive and thrive.

Fourth, Mao's writings reflect his strategic foresight and profound theoretical prowess, ultimately providing a blueprint for the revolution's victory against overwhelming odds. By asserting that the red flag could prevail even in its darkest moments, Mao established a new model, based not on traditional urban-centered uprisings but on rural guerrilla warfare and base areas like Jinggangshan. This theory would become the foundation of Mao’s revolutionary strategy, leading to the victory of the Communist Party of China and the establishment of the People's Republic of China on October the First, 1949, the day China celebrates today.

Finally, Mao's analogy of "A Single Spark Can Start a Prairie Fire" and his conviction in the inevitability of revolutionary success exemplify his visionary perspective. This outlook helped sustain morale and unity among his comrades, signaling that despite current hardships, a brighter future was within reach.

Tomorrow will be October the First, China's National Day, the day marking the independence of the nation, the end of century of humiliation, and the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, as she is standing tall as a symbol of resilience, strength, and national pride. Here's one reflection to honor that achievements. May China continue to prosper and united as one.

During the height of the Cold War, détente between China and the U.S. emerged in the early 1970s, following the Sino-Soviet rupture.

There are many interesting anecdotes surrounding this initial thaw in tensions. One, which I heard from my sister, particularly stands out.

By 1969, tensions between China and the Soviet Union had reached a boiling point, culminating in border clashes along Zhenbaodao. Fears grew that the conflict could escalate into full-scale war.

Throughout China, people were deeply anxious about the possibility of Soviet nuclear strikes. The memory of the U.S. dropping two atomic bombs on Japan was still fresh in many minds, intensifying the fear of nuclear devastation.

Domestically, Mao Zedong led the country with the slogan "深挖洞，广积粮，不称霸" (shēn wā dòng, guǎng jī liáng, bù chēng bà) — "dig deep tunnels, store grain extensively, and do not seek hegemony." This reflected China's defensive and self-reliant strategy at a time when it faced threats from both the Soviet Union and the United States, the two Superpowers in the world.

I recall participating in the drive to dig tunnels, helping adults constructing underground bomb shelters in preparation for potential nuclear war, particularly with the Soviet Union. Storing grain extensively ensured China could sustain itself in case of prolonged conflict or economic isolation with decades of sanctions against China from the west and the U.S. "Do not seek hegemony" declared to the world that China would not pursue global dominance as other superpowers did.

In this tense atmosphere, Mao Zedong, half-jokingly, was reportedly quoted as saying that if the Soviets launched a nuclear attack and rendered China’s land uninhabitable, "We would pack up the whole nation and begin another Long March—this time toward Siberia, through the Bering Strait, and into the Americas."

The U.S. government, upon hearing this, allegedly took it seriously, fearing that the world's largest army of refugees might march into the Americas. Wryly, they noted, "The Chinese are certainly good at Long Marches."

While there are variations of this anecdote, it remains more of a humorous and fictional statement attributed to Mao than a verified historical fact.

The story highlights Mao's defiant and humorous attitude in the face of pressures and nuclear threats, particularly during the Sino-Soviet tensions of the late 1960s. His quip about enduring nuclear war and launching another Long March reflects the resilience and indomitable spirit of the Chinese people in the face of potential devastation and the threat of extinction.

Whether true or not, the anecdote reflects broader fears of war and the potential for mass refugee migration. At the time, the U.S. government was concerned about various geopolitical scenarios, including the fear of large-scale Chinese migration.

In conclusion, this anecdote, whether based on fact or embellished over time, offers a glimpse into the dire and desperate era following the founding of the PRC. It stands as a testament to the resilience and character of the Chinese people during a period of intense geopolitical strife. Mao Zedong's half-joking remark reflects his indomitable spirit and determination to survive at all costs, even if it meant enduring another, even longer march. It also serves as a sobering reminder of the tragic implications of war: mass displacement and the immense struggles faced by nations confronting existential threats.

Here’s something trivial to start with: Yesterday morning, I saw two young men who looked like Mormon missionaries out sharing the Gospel. 'What fine young men!' I thought. But then I wondered—would I have thought differently if they weren’t dressed in such church-like attire? I can’t believe how easily I’m swayed by appearances!

On September 15, a friend recommended The Next 100 Years: A Forecast for the 21st Century by George Friedman (2009). 

In the book, Friedman states, “The problem for China is political. China is held together by money, not ideology. When there is an economic downturn and the money stops rolling in, not only will the banking system spasm, but the entire fabric of Chinese society will shudder. Loyalty in China is either bought or coerced. Without available money, only coercion remains. Business slowdowns can generally lead to instability because they lead to business failure and unemployment. In a country where poverty is endemic and unemployment widespread, the added pressure of an economic downturn will result in political instability." p. 96

Friedman’s assumption that China’s national unity is held together only by money, neglecting deeper cultural, historical, and ideological factors, misses a critical aspect of Chinese society.

First, patriotism in China runs deep, rooted in thousands of years of history, cultural pride, and a shared heritage. This deep-seated patriotism inspired millions to fight foreign invasions, from the Japanese occupation to overcoming imperialist pressures and achieving independence. Today, 中国梦 (Zhōngguó Mèng) "Chinese Dream," represents a collective aspiration to restore China's historical greatness. Even in times of economic hardship, many Chinese remain loyal to this ideal of national rejuvenation.

Second, Confucian values that emphasize social harmony and collective well-being are integral to Chinese society. While economic success is valued, social stability and national unity are more treasured. These cultural values have long played a role in holding China together, well before its economic rise in recent decades. In fact, the opposite is often true: the tougher the economic times, the more united people become.

Third, China has historically demonstrated remarkable resilience. Throughout its long history, China has faced repeated foreign invasions, economic crises, and internal strife, yet has managed to remain unified. This unity has not always been grounded in economic prosperity but rather in the strength of a central authority that upheld social order and a shared sense of destiny. The cyclical pattern of dynastic rise, fall, and renewal was driven by cultural cohesion and moral legitimacy. In contrast, Europe has achieved much, yet it has failed to do one thing that China has done: unite the continent under a single authority.

Fourth, social bonds in China, especially those centered around family and community, often transcend economic interests. For instance, my sister in China never worries about her son’s unemployment, because losing a job in China doesn't lead to the same kind of destitution like becoming homeless as it might in the U.S. Strong family support networks often buffer individuals from economic hardship and help maintain social order.

Lastly, the belief that money alone holds China together underestimates the role of ideological and political foundations in the country’s governance. The legitimacy of the Chinese government rests on its ability to maintain stability, address corruption, manage crises, and restore China's historical position of global leadership. The education of overcoming the "Century of Humiliation" at the hand of foreign powers and reclaiming China’s rightful place in the world fosters a sense of national pride that transcends economics.

In conclusion, while economic factors are significant, they are far from the only glue holding China together. The nation's deep-rooted patriotism, cultural traditions, historical resilience, and ideological foundations are essential in maintaining national unity, as they have been for over 2000 years. To reduce China's unity and strength to mere financial stability grossly overlooks the powerful forces of collective identity and national pride that have sustained the country for thousands of years.

On May 17 this year, a young relative of mine asked me to teach English to her daughter who will be 6 years old in December. I agreed, but I made it clear from the start that it was essential for her to review the lessons with her daughter daily. Unfortunately, she didn’t follow through, and week after week, the girl made no progress. I suggested we give her a quiz, either weekly or biweekly, because I couldn’t keep investing time without seeing results—it was a waste of time for all of us. Knowing her daughter wouldn’t pass the quiz, my relative decided to call off the lessons.

Yesterday, she contacted me again, asking me to resume teaching her daughter, this time promising she would be more diligent. I agreed to give it another shot.

Recently, I came across a quote that I felt deeply connected to this situation and wanted to share with my relative but I didn't. It went something like this: “No one will help a person who has no value, someone who doesn’t make an effort to improve themselves. No one will waste time on someone who shows no hope of progress. So, to receive help from others, you must first work on improving yourself. You need to let others see hope in you.”

These words deliver a powerful message about personal responsibility and self-improvement. They highlight that people are less likely to invest their time or resources in someone who isn’t showing effort, growth, or potential. It stresses the importance of taking initiative and demonstrating a willingness to improve—because that’s what draws support and encouragement from others.

“Letting others see hope in you” means you must cultivate qualities that inspire confidence in your future. It’s the fundamental step you must take before expecting help from others.

Opportunities and assistance often come when others recognize your sincerity, commitment and potential for progress. This lesson applies to many areas in life: self-reliance, perseverance, and the need to prove your value in order to gain the support of others.

A Chinese saying goes, 自助者天助之 (Zì zhù zhě tiān zhù zhī),  "Heaven helps those who help themselves." It captures the essence of personal effort being a prerequisite for receiving assistance from others, aligning well with the message of self-reliance and personal growth.

Ultimately, it's a motivational reminder to take control of your life, be the driving force behind your own growth, and inspire hope in those who might otherwise hesitate to invest in you.

No more small gestures like yesterday. Let's look at some big system.

One of my Korean students recently returned from a trip home and told me she had a thorough physical checkup while in Korea. According to her, Korea has the best healthcare system in the world. Plus preventive care like this is free.

Curious, I asked another Korean student for her thoughts, and she agreed, offering more details. 

South Korea’s healthcare system is known for its advanced technology and high-quality services. It operates under the National Health Insurance (NHI) program, which covers the entire population, ensuring widespread access to care.

Despite its cutting-edge technology, healthcare in Korea remains surprisingly affordable, especially when compared to countries like the U.S. Routine physical checkups are free for Korean citizens.

My student highlighted a few key differences between the healthcare systems in Korea and America. First, the cost. In the U.S., you often don’t know how much your medical treatment will cost until you receive the bill, which can be quite shocking. 

In contrast, Korean healthcare costs are regulated by the government under the NHI system, with prices for medical services and medications negotiated and well-controlled to keep them affordable.

Korea has also become a top destination for medical tourism, attracting patients from around the world, particularly for cosmetic surgery, due to its affordability and advanced procedures.

Second, my student pointed out the efficiency of the system. In Korea, healthcare is streamlined—everything you need for a full physical can be done in one place and within a few hours. It's called one-stop healthcare.

By contrast, in the U.S., you might need separate appointments for your heart, eyes, dental work, mammogram, and other health needs. Each one requires a different location, and appointments often need to be made well in advance. The thought of scheduling and driving to all these different places is exhausting.

I told my student that I experience the same thing in China. Every time I go back, I get all my checkups done there for the same reasons—it's efficient, affordable, and hassle-free.

In both Korea and China, the focus on affordable preventive healthcare is to promote long-term well-being for all. Their healthcare systems emphasize early detection and cost and time efficiency, demonstrating the belief that prevention works better and more efficient than cure. The role of government in regulating healthcare costs ensures that quality care is accessible to all, regardless of income.

Many Americans may not realize just how different healthcare can be until they step outside their own system. We won’t know the difference until we go beyond our own confinement and see how other countries prioritize access, affordability, and the well-being of their citizens.