Yanwen’s blog

Last year, while jogging outside, I met a couple from Shanghai. The wife greeted me in Chinese, and during our conversation, the husband casually remarked, "You must be in your 70s now." The wife quickly teased him, saying, "How can you say that? She's in her 50s."

Whether I'm in my 50s or 70s is beside the point. What stood out was the wife’s openness, sharpness, social awareness. She understood the delicacy of commenting on a woman's age and responded playfully, using tact and grace to gently correct her husband without causing any social awkwardness.

In contrast, the husband seemed oblivious to the social etiquette surrounding age. His comment was blunt, suggesting he might either be more straightforward or less attuned to such nuances.

The difference between the wife’s social savvy and her husband's directness also suggests that she’s still mentally sharp, showing no signs of decline.

Yesterday I ran into the wife again recently at the YMCA, where she mentioned that she no longer drives and that her husband has taken over. She admitted she's out of practice, having not driven for several years.

This reminded me of my children’s grandparents. The grandfather used to joke, "I’m unemployed at home," because the grandmother took care of everything. Sadly, the result was that he developed dementia in his 70s, while the grandmother, who stayed active, outlived him by nearly 20 years.

A Chinese saying fits this context perfectly: "脑子不用会生锈" (Nǎozi bù yòng huì shēngxiù) — "If you don’t use your brain, it will rust." This emphasizes the importance of keeping the mind active. Even at home, staying engaged and active helps delay mental and physical decline. The brain, like any tool, deteriorates when unused.

Ultimately, this reinforces a key point: staying active, even in daily small ways, can help delay both mental and physical decline in old age, keeping both the mind and body sharp through daily activities.

Let me share a real-life story. A young man, noticing his mother spending most of her day on her cellphone, said to her, "Mom, you could try something like painting, drawing, or writing instead of being on your phone all day." His mother responded, "You’re an artist and can draw well, but I can't."

This conversation reminds me of my youngest sister and her son. Years ago, after she retired at 55 (the retirement age for women in China), her son suggested they read the same book and discuss it together as a way to keep her mentally sharp and engaged.

Both moments reveal something profound about life. The son's genuine concern for his mother is heartwarming, reflecting a role reversal that often occurs as children grow. His suggestion shows not only his maturity but also a shift in perspective—from being cared for to caring for his parent.

On a broader level, the son's words hold a message for all of us: how we choose to spend our time, a resource we all possess equally. 

Engaging in creative activities like drawing or writing isn’t about doing it perfectly, isn't about becoming a famous artist or writer; it’s about the joy and fulfillment that comes from the process, it's about keeping ourselves meaningfully engaged, it's about being a creator rather than a consumer. 

Ultimately, these acts of creation offer a sense of meaning and accomplishment far beyond what can be gained from passively scrolling through a phone.

A Chinese saying goes, "活到老，学到老" (Huó dào lǎo, xué dào lǎo): learn as long as you live. It emphasizes the importance of lifelong learning and engagement and the belief that one should continually seek out new experiences and knowledge, no matter their age.

Finally, creative expression—regardless of skill level—adds far more value to life than mindless distractions ever could.

Today, we reflect on a pivotal moment in the Chinese revolution. On September 9, 1927, Mao Zedong led the Autumn Harvest Uprising in Hunan. Although this uprising failed, Mao and his troops traversed rugged mountain paths to Jinggangshan, where he began to establish a revolutionary base.

The Red Army was weak, further hampered by frequent military encirclements and strict economic blockades imposed by enemy forces. Following the failures of uprisings in Nanchang, Guangzhou, and the Autumn Harvest, many became pessimistic about the future of the Red Army, questioning whether the Jinggangshan revolutionary base could endure and how long the red flag could continue to fly.

To address these concerns and clarify the theoretical path for China's revolutionary development, Mao analyzed the situation, studied the theory of red power, and authored two key works: "Why Can China's Red Power Exist?" and "The Struggle at Jinggangshan."

In October 1928, Mao noted, "Within a country, surrounded by white power, there exist small areas of red power for an extended period; this is something that has never happened in any country in the world. The occurrence of this extraordinary event has its unique reasons."

At Jinggangshan, in January 1930, Mao expressed his belief that the climax of the Chinese revolution was nearing. He famously stated, "星星之火，可以燎原" (Xīngxīng zhī huǒ, kěyǐ liáoyuán), meaning "A single spark can start a prairie fire." He likened the situation to "a ship that can already see the tips of the masts standing on the shore and gazing into the sea; a sun rising on the summit of a high mountain, radiating light and brilliance to the East; or a baby stirring in its mother's womb, about to mature and be born."

These events reveal several qualities about Mao Zedong. First and foremost, Mao was a visionary who could foresee a bright future during one of the darkest periods in history. This ability stemmed from his thorough study and understanding of China's unique circumstances.

Second, Mao was optimistic and resilient. His unwavering belief in the revolution's success was rooted in his grasp of the revolutionary movement and historical trends in China. He maintained optimism despite widespread doubt and hardship, viewing setbacks not as definitive failures but as part of a broader historical process.

Third, it is remarkable that Mao recognized the survival of small, isolated areas of red power, surrounded by vast hostile forces, as unprecedented while believing in their inevitable survival and triumph. This demonstrates his ability to identify and seize opportunities for victory amidst adversity, recognizing that even in the most hostile environments, revolutionary power can survive and thrive.

Fourth, Mao's writings reflect his strategic foresight and profound theoretical prowess, ultimately providing a blueprint for the revolution's victory against overwhelming odds. By asserting that the red flag could prevail even in its darkest moments, Mao established a new model, based not on traditional urban-centered uprisings but on rural guerrilla warfare and base areas like Jinggangshan. This theory would become the foundation of Mao’s revolutionary strategy, leading to the victory of the Communist Party of China and the establishment of the People's Republic of China on October the First, 1949, the day China celebrates today.

Finally, Mao's analogy of "A Single Spark Can Start a Prairie Fire" and his conviction in the inevitability of revolutionary success exemplify his visionary perspective. This outlook helped sustain morale and unity among his comrades, signaling that despite current hardships, a brighter future was within reach.

Tomorrow will be October the First, China's National Day, the day marking the independence of the nation, the end of century of humiliation, and the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, as she is standing tall as a symbol of resilience, strength, and national pride. Here's one reflection to honor that achievements. May China continue to prosper and united as one.

During the height of the Cold War, détente between China and the U.S. emerged in the early 1970s, following the Sino-Soviet rupture.

There are many interesting anecdotes surrounding this initial thaw in tensions. One, which I heard from my sister, particularly stands out.

By 1969, tensions between China and the Soviet Union had reached a boiling point, culminating in border clashes along Zhenbaodao. Fears grew that the conflict could escalate into full-scale war.

Throughout China, people were deeply anxious about the possibility of Soviet nuclear strikes. The memory of the U.S. dropping two atomic bombs on Japan was still fresh in many minds, intensifying the fear of nuclear devastation.

Domestically, Mao Zedong led the country with the slogan "深挖洞，广积粮，不称霸" (shēn wā dòng, guǎng jī liáng, bù chēng bà) — "dig deep tunnels, store grain extensively, and do not seek hegemony." This reflected China's defensive and self-reliant strategy at a time when it faced threats from both the Soviet Union and the United States, the two Superpowers in the world.

I recall participating in the drive to dig tunnels, helping adults constructing underground bomb shelters in preparation for potential nuclear war, particularly with the Soviet Union. Storing grain extensively ensured China could sustain itself in case of prolonged conflict or economic isolation with decades of sanctions against China from the west and the U.S. "Do not seek hegemony" declared to the world that China would not pursue global dominance as other superpowers did.

In this tense atmosphere, Mao Zedong, half-jokingly, was reportedly quoted as saying that if the Soviets launched a nuclear attack and rendered China’s land uninhabitable, "We would pack up the whole nation and begin another Long March—this time toward Siberia, through the Bering Strait, and into the Americas."

The U.S. government, upon hearing this, allegedly took it seriously, fearing that the world's largest army of refugees might march into the Americas. Wryly, they noted, "The Chinese are certainly good at Long Marches."

While there are variations of this anecdote, it remains more of a humorous and fictional statement attributed to Mao than a verified historical fact.

The story highlights Mao's defiant and humorous attitude in the face of pressures and nuclear threats, particularly during the Sino-Soviet tensions of the late 1960s. His quip about enduring nuclear war and launching another Long March reflects the resilience and indomitable spirit of the Chinese people in the face of potential devastation and the threat of extinction.

Whether true or not, the anecdote reflects broader fears of war and the potential for mass refugee migration. At the time, the U.S. government was concerned about various geopolitical scenarios, including the fear of large-scale Chinese migration.

In conclusion, this anecdote, whether based on fact or embellished over time, offers a glimpse into the dire and desperate era following the founding of the PRC. It stands as a testament to the resilience and character of the Chinese people during a period of intense geopolitical strife. Mao Zedong's half-joking remark reflects his indomitable spirit and determination to survive at all costs, even if it meant enduring another, even longer march. It also serves as a sobering reminder of the tragic implications of war: mass displacement and the immense struggles faced by nations confronting existential threats.

Here’s something trivial to start with: Yesterday morning, I saw two young men who looked like Mormon missionaries out sharing the Gospel. 'What fine young men!' I thought. But then I wondered—would I have thought differently if they weren’t dressed in such church-like attire? I can’t believe how easily I’m swayed by appearances!

On September 15, a friend recommended The Next 100 Years: A Forecast for the 21st Century by George Friedman (2009). 

In the book, Friedman states, “The problem for China is political. China is held together by money, not ideology. When there is an economic downturn and the money stops rolling in, not only will the banking system spasm, but the entire fabric of Chinese society will shudder. Loyalty in China is either bought or coerced. Without available money, only coercion remains. Business slowdowns can generally lead to instability because they lead to business failure and unemployment. In a country where poverty is endemic and unemployment widespread, the added pressure of an economic downturn will result in political instability." p. 96

Friedman’s assumption that China’s national unity is held together only by money, neglecting deeper cultural, historical, and ideological factors, misses a critical aspect of Chinese society.

First, patriotism in China runs deep, rooted in thousands of years of history, cultural pride, and a shared heritage. This deep-seated patriotism inspired millions to fight foreign invasions, from the Japanese occupation to overcoming imperialist pressures and achieving independence. Today, 中国梦 (Zhōngguó Mèng) "Chinese Dream," represents a collective aspiration to restore China's historical greatness. Even in times of economic hardship, many Chinese remain loyal to this ideal of national rejuvenation.

Second, Confucian values that emphasize social harmony and collective well-being are integral to Chinese society. While economic success is valued, social stability and national unity are more treasured. These cultural values have long played a role in holding China together, well before its economic rise in recent decades. In fact, the opposite is often true: the tougher the economic times, the more united people become.

Third, China has historically demonstrated remarkable resilience. Throughout its long history, China has faced repeated foreign invasions, economic crises, and internal strife, yet has managed to remain unified. This unity has not always been grounded in economic prosperity but rather in the strength of a central authority that upheld social order and a shared sense of destiny. The cyclical pattern of dynastic rise, fall, and renewal was driven by cultural cohesion and moral legitimacy. In contrast, Europe has achieved much, yet it has failed to do one thing that China has done: unite the continent under a single authority.

Fourth, social bonds in China, especially those centered around family and community, often transcend economic interests. For instance, my sister in China never worries about her son’s unemployment, because losing a job in China doesn't lead to the same kind of destitution like becoming homeless as it might in the U.S. Strong family support networks often buffer individuals from economic hardship and help maintain social order.

Lastly, the belief that money alone holds China together underestimates the role of ideological and political foundations in the country’s governance. The legitimacy of the Chinese government rests on its ability to maintain stability, address corruption, manage crises, and restore China's historical position of global leadership. The education of overcoming the "Century of Humiliation" at the hand of foreign powers and reclaiming China’s rightful place in the world fosters a sense of national pride that transcends economics.

In conclusion, while economic factors are significant, they are far from the only glue holding China together. The nation's deep-rooted patriotism, cultural traditions, historical resilience, and ideological foundations are essential in maintaining national unity, as they have been for over 2000 years. To reduce China's unity and strength to mere financial stability grossly overlooks the powerful forces of collective identity and national pride that have sustained the country for thousands of years.